Demetrius
In 1207, the death of the invading
Bulgarian Tsar Kalojan was attributed to the the patron saint of Thessaloniki,
St.Demetrius. The Thessalonian attribution of violent acts to a saint and the
crusader belief of Deus Vult both make the will of God the motivating force for
violence. The encomia of Demetrius that recall his are unique in orthodox
hagiography and in some cases appear contrary to the writings of Basil and Leo.[1]
The city of Thessaloniki, second of the empire was defined by the frequent
attacks upon it, its patron saint Demetrius is an extraordinary example of the
flexibility of the Byzantine attitude to violence in light of contemporary
events. The power of Demetrius’ cult also reflects the increased autonomy and
confidence of Thessalonica as a city independent of Constantinople.[2]
Demetrius was not originally represented in iconography as a soldier but in the
plain tunic associated with martyrdom. During the tenth century military saints
began to be recognized as a separate caste and were adopted as the patrons of
imperial and noble families.[3]
The high profile of the military under Basil II (958-1025) popularized the
military saints, especially Demetrius to whom ten churches were dedicated in
Constantinople.[4] In the 11th
century he was given the title Stratelates
a term equivalent to “General” and later Myrovlytes meaning myrrh gushing in reference to his relics.[5]
The earliest example of Demetrius’ intercession is an account of the defense of
the city in 586 written by John of Thessaloniki in the mid 7th
century. Despite Demetrius’ activity as a protector of the City from the 7th
century on the earliest evidence of his portrayal as a military saint is not
until the 11th century.[6]
In the development of his status from martyr to General we see a microcosm of
the wider change in attitude toward violence that happened throughout the
empire in the 12th and 13th centuries.[7]
How widely accepted the violent acts attributed to Demetrius were within the
church is difficult to judge. George Akropolites for example reported that
Kalojan died of pleurisy “though some attributed his death to the wrath of
God.”[8]
There is no discernable trend in the editing of the miracles but it is clear
that some emphasized Demetrius’ moral courage and inspirational leadership over
his violent punishments.[9]
The
description of the army
Theodore
Laskaris was presented as a new Constantine by Choniates who specifically
compared the battle of the Maeander to the battle of Milvian Bridge by noting
the Nicaeans wore the cross as an ensign. As noted above there were a large
number of Latin mercenaries in the Nicaean army but Akropolites states that “in the Lord Christ whose name we pious people bear as
an ensign or seal” implying that all present wore the cross.[10]
The comparison of Theodore to Constantine is an important one because
Constantine, one of the very few Byzantine emperors considered a saint
personified the reconciliation of kingship and Christian faith. It was upon
Constantine’s conversion that Eusebios formulated what would become the
Byzantine understanding of the emperor as a mirror of divine rule and
perfection.[11]
Theodore increased the religious tone of the Nicaean campaigns by proposing a
truce between Latin Constantinople and Nicaea ultimately rejected by Innocent
III in order to combine their forces against the Muslims.[12]
The rejection of the treaty with by Innocent III in favour of an alliance with
the Turks lent Theodore legitimacy in his position as a Christian ruler.[13]
Conclusion
The
sources indicate that there was an element of Byzantine culture outside of the
“ecclesiastical tradition” that believed from the 6th Century that
divine punishment in the form of physical violence was administered by one of
God’s saints. It was standard practice that those at the very height of the
Byzantine Church supported the emperor’s military role as the bringer of
justice to the world. Choniates believed that warfare for the sake of Christ
was not a sin that was immediately forgiven by oikonomia but meritorious. The
violent acts of Demetrius far predate the coming of the crusades and serve as
an example of the reactive nature of Byzantine culture under external pressure.
Demetrius’ interventions make the actions of Autoerianos seem less influenced
by crusade ideology and more of a regression to basic Eusebian principles. The
flexibility of war ideology was possible because the Christian empire had been
established by violent means. The wearing of crosses on the battlefield should
therefore be associated more with the battle of Milvian Bridge than with the
crusades. The pressure placed on Byzantium by the crusades enlarged the place
traditionally accorded to military valor. Crusade ideology on the other hand
does not appear to have had any significant influence on Byzantium. Plenary
indulgences were continually condemned, those Byzantines who argued for
meritorious violence appealed to the writings of their own saints and others
believed that God had protected them on the battlefield through saints long
before and after the crusades.
[1] There were two other popular military saints, George and
Theodore though the literature surrounding Demetrius eclipses both there are
similarities between all three, in particular their martyrdom.
[2] Eugenia Russell, St Demetrius of Thessalonica, Cult and Devotion in the Middle Ages. (2010) p. 9-18.
[3] Walter, Christopher. The Warrior saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition. Aldershot: Ashgate
Publishing, 2003. 79.
[5] “Demetrios’ ability to produce a substance by the same name
as the sacramental oil of unction could be used as a challenge to patriarchal
monopoly” By this she means the Chrism that is produced once a year only by the
Patriarchs of the Local Autocephalous Churches of Orthodox Christianity.
Ruth
J. Macrides, “Subversion and loyalty in
the cult of St. Demetrios”, Byzantinoslavica 51 1990, 189-97.
[6]
Walter,
Christopher. The Warrior saints in Byzantine Art and Tradition. Aldershot: Ashgate
Publishing, 2003.p 22.
[7] The first recorded iconographic representation of Demetrius
as a stratelates is dated 1108. Lexikon der Christliche Ikonographie, 6 (1974),
p.43.
[8] Akropolites 23
[9] Lemerle, P. Les
plus anciens recueils des Miracles de saint Démétrius: Vol. 1. Le texte (Paris, 1979).p 177-8
[11] Angold, Michael. A Byzantine Government in
exile; Government and Society under the Laskarids of Nicaea 1204-1261. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1975. P.38
[12] Gardner, Alice. The Laskarids of Nicaea ; The Story of an Empire in Exile. London: Methuen, 1912. p.
80-81.
[13] One of the most persistent Crusader accusations/criticisms
against Byzantium was their supposed alliance with Muslims. An alliance between
the Crusaders and the Muslims must have been very disenfranchising for many
Latin Knights.
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