Patriarch Michael Autoreianos
A great break in Byzantine ecclesiastical
tradition came to pass in the form of an indulgence issued by Patriarch Michael
Autoreianos in 1208. The indulgence appears to be almost identical to the
plenary indulgence of the crusaders.[1] It is preserved in a single copy of a letter from Patriarch Michael Atoureianos
and his synod of refugee bishops in Nicaea; no record of a similar case has
come down to us.[2] Tellingly,
neither Niketas Choniates nor George Akropolites (1220-1282) mention the
incident, suggesting that the practice was short lived. The Nicaean Empire
under Theodore Laskaris (r 1204-1222) ceased to continue many important 12th
century traditions including the regular issuing of Chrysobulls, hyperya and
employment of court rhetors. The absence of these staples of 12th
century Byzantium gives the picture of an austere household government in
Nicaea.[3]
Theodore II Laskaris (r 1254-1258), son of Theodore I remarked upon the emperors
dislike for “refined words”, if
Theodore I requested intervention by the church he would have certainly
preferred it to be straightforward over theologically nuanced.[4]
At first the letter does not differ much from the established tradition of
exhortation by Byzantine clergymen to military authorities. The main body of
the text stresses the importance of monarchy and the divine assistance offered
to the Byzantines because of their “immaculate” orthodox faith. The tone of the
letter is reminiscent of the correspondence of Patriarch Nicholas Mystikos (r
901-907 / 912-925) who by his unique position as regent and hierarch is a close
parallel of the dependant relationship of Laskaris and Autoreianos.
Autoreianos’ letter calls to mind the harangues of Emperor Heraclius more than
we may expect of a Churchman but Nicholas had already set a president for
clerical involvement in military matters. In 915 he (Nicholas) wrote to the
governor of Longbardia to congratulate him for a recent victory and thank him
for not disappointing him.[5] Again Nicholas advises his emperor to
“train his men and be prepared.”[6]
Even earlier though in more desperate circumstances Patriarch Sergios I
(610-38) called for aid for Heraclius by asking all Bishops to contribute
financially to the war effort. In light of the correspondence between the
aforementioned clergy we see little change in Byzantine attitude towards
violence in the main body of Autoreianos’ letter. The advice and support
offered by these bishops had a common limit, they consistently refused to honor
soldiers as martyrs and banned military participation by clergy.[7]
In reference to clergy participation in warfare there are several examples of a
strongly enforced policy of deposition even in cases of self-defense.[8]
Additionally, when Nicholas discovered that clergymen had been drafted into the
Byzantine army along the Bulgarian frontier he demanded their release
explaining “to convert to common use anything whatever that has once been
sanctified is culpable.”[9]
The reluctance to accord the sacrifice of a soldier a double dedication, one to
state and one to God or conversely with a clergyman is found in Autorianos’
letter by the inclusion of the so called indulgence as a post-script apart from
the body of the letter.
Παρ᾽ ῟ου
καὶ ἡμεῖς, τὴν μεγάλην δωρεὰν τῆς αὐτοῦ δεξάμενοι χάριτος, συγχωροὖμεν ὑμῖν, τοῖς
ὑπερμαχοῦσι τοῦ λαοῦ τοῦ Θεοῦ, τὰ ἐν τῷβίω πεπλημμελημένα ύμιν, ὅσοις τῶν
πατριδων προκινδυνεύουσι τῆς κοινῆς σωτηρίας τοῦ λαοῦ καὶ λυτρῶσεως ἐπισυμβαιη
καὶ θάνατος[10]
“ Having received from God the
great gift of his grace, We forgive those trespasses committed in life those
who die in the defense of our salvation and the liberation of our people.”
The meaning is clear, remission of sins for those who die
fighting, a contrary view to the established position of the church and a
potential endorsement of the crusader ideology of spiritually meritorious
violence. Autoreianos informs Theodore that the letter was sent to the military
authorities, suggesting that the indulgence may have been requested by Theodore
to motivate his men. To introduce an
alien and Latin practice at the time of the Latin occupation is perplexing, we
have such conclusive evidence revealing the Byzantine understanding of Crusade
ideology and such strong condemnation of the Islamic parallel that to imagine a
scenario where Autoreianos dreamt up this indulgence without consciously
adopting a Latin practice is very difficult indeed.[11]
Constantine Stilbes’ (mid 12th Century) Against the Latins refutes plenary indulgencies and repeatedly
accuses Latins of conducting violence for the salvation of their souls[12]
It is possible that the indulgence was intended to appeal to the large Latin
contingent of Theodore’s army alone.[13]
Upon his Consecration as Latin Patriarch of Constantinople Thomas Morosini
(1204-1211) had immediately anathematized and excommunicated the Latins who
failed to accompany him on a campaign against Orestias in 1204. In 1210, Pope
Innocent III (1198-1216) excommunicated those who took up arms against the
empire of Constantinople and her allies.[14]
The Latin contingent was therefore thoroughly excommunicated by the Western
church and it is conceivable that Theodore wanted to ease their consciences
with something more than just a higher rate of pay. Autoreianos’ indulgence
does not however, go as far as it first appears, specifically it does not offer
the title of Martyr to the fallen, rather “remission of the sins of this life”
an important distinction to the plenary indulgence of the Roman Church. Emperor
Nikeporos Phokas (912-969) specifically requested the dead be recognized as
martyrs and the speech given to Heraclius’ by Theophanes refers to the crowns
of martyrdom to be acquired in battle.[15]
The phrase “sins committed in this life” could broadly reference the necessary
act of killing in battle. Byzantine war ideology had consistently viewed
killing in battle as a sin exceptionally forgiven by God through his grace and
oikonomia. Interpreting the letter as a reiteration of the traditional Byzantine
ideology being addressed to an army immediately strips it of the character of
an indulgence and accounts for its simplistic language.
[1] Killing in war was believed to be a sin
exceptionally forgiven by God through Oikonomia
but requiring atonement.
[2] The Latin accusation that Patriarch
Dositheos had stated that killing Latins was spiritually beneficial but there
is no corroborating Greek source that relates specifically to this point.
[3] Angelov, Dimiter. Imperial Ideology and Political Thought in
Byzantium, 1204-1330. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.p.
40
[4] Theodore 11 encomio
[5] Nicholas I, Patriarch of Constantinople, Letters. Trs. R. J. H.
Jenkins, L. G. Westerink, Washington: Dumbarton Oaks, 1973.p.458
[6] Nicholas I, Letters.
P.336
[7] Specifically the seventh canon of Chalcedon. G.A Rhalles
and M. Potles, Συνταγμα τῶν θείων καὶ ίερῶν κανόνων,(Αthens, 1852-59). Vol, 2, p.232 “We have decreed that those who
have been enrolled in the clergy or have become monks shall not join the army
or obtain ant secular office, Let those who dare do this and will not repent
..be anathema.”
[8] Demetrios, Chomiatianos Decisiones, p 324
[9] Nicholas I, Letters.
P. 467
12 Autorianos, Michael, Act,s
ed.,Oikonomidès Nicolas. “Cinq actes inédits du patriarche Michel Autôreianos.”
In: Revue des études byzantines, 25, 1967. pp. 113-145.
[11] Angelov concludes that the remission of sins
offered by Autoreianos was a true indulgence, identical to those issued by the
popes and was a conscious adoption of crusader practice. Angelov, Dimiter. Imperial Ideology and Political Thought in Byzantium, 1204-1330.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007.p. 100.
[12] Darrouzès Jean. Le mémoire de Constantin Stilbès contre les Latins. In: Revue des études byzantines,
tome 21, Paris, 1963. pp. 50-100 “The massacre of
Christians is seen favourably by their bishops and especially by the pope and
they declare the killings a means of salvation for those who perform them.”
[13] Akropolites, George. Opera. Translated by A
Heisenberg. Leipzig: Teubner, 1903. p. 16 Akropolites
recorded the number of Latin Knights to be 800.
[14]
Haluscynski,
Theodosios, ed. Acta Innocentii pp, III, 1198-1216 E Registris Vaticanis Aliisque
Fontibus. 1944. No.
114, 345-8.
[15] Confessor, Theophanes. Byzantine and Near
Eastern History, AD 284-813. Translated by Cyril Mango and Rodger Scott.
Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997.p.19 And
Nikephoros; Skylitzes, John. A Synopsis of
Byzantine History, 811-1057. Translated by John Wortley. London: Cambridge
University Press, 2012.p.263
(Nikephoros) was pressing the
patriarch
And the bishops to agree to this doctrine but some of them
vigorously withstood him and frustrated his intent. They produced in evidence the canon of [St] Basil the Great which requires
that a man who has slain his enemy in battle to remain three years
excommunicate
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